For most of the history of Western philosophy the good of an item was understood to be determined by its designed nature or telos. When modern philosophy exiled teleology it set off a centuries long quest to find a new source of normativity since nature was seen as a mere collection of value-free particles in the void. The prime candidates have been individual desires, emotions, reason, the state, or society as a whole. Bioformalism marks the return from exile of nature as the source of an item’s good. Specifically, the bioformalist position is that for all living things their good is to live out their distinctive evolved form of life as excellently as they are capable. For example, human life has a form (thus the form in bioformalism): to develop our physical, intellectual, and social abilities as children, to attract the best mate possible, to have children, to work cooperatively with others, and to materially support and raise children in the best environment one is able to provide. This is the nature of the human good aka the good life or human flourishing. (See “Bioformalism and the Human Good,” “Restoring a Virtue-Based Ethics for the 21st Century,” and “Bioformalism vs. Liberalism and Stupid Freedom.”).
That is the bioformalist thesis, but there is also the wider bioformalist complex which consists of the thesis plus any moral or political consequences that follow from a realist view of the good. Part of the bioformalist complex is an understanding of the state’s contribution to achieving the human good. I will call the political theory teleoformalism to prevent confusion of the political theory with the theory of the good. Teleoformalism is a theory of political justice, the justice that follows from an account of the nature and end of the state.
All of the major political theories of the Western tradition dating back to Plato are teleological in nature (although their authors may deny it). They all hold that justice is a (and perhaps the) virtue–the feature whose presence makes an object a good instance of its kind–of the state; a good state is one which possesses justice. Furthermore they all believe that the administration of justice is a or the function of the state. Where they fundamentally differ is in their different positions on the end of the state. And so for Hobbes the end of the state is produce peace, and a state is just if it uses the instruments of the state to produce this end. For Locke the end of the state is to protect property rights, and it is just if it uses the instruments of the state to protect these rights. For Marx the end of the state is to produce material equality, and a just state uses its instruments to prevent all instances and causes of material inequality. For Mill and the utilitarians the end of the state is to produce the greatest happiness of the greatest number, and a just state is one which uses its instruments to produce this effect. Even Rawls, who claims to be against teleological theories (due to his specific and different meaning of “teleological”) holds that the end of the state is to ensure a fair distribution of primary goods.
In political philosophy it is commonly heard that the essence of liberalism is that the state must remain neutral on conceptions of the good. Rawls for instance insists that in the original position “the parties do not know their conception of the good” (TOJ, p. 142) when choosing rational rules of justice. Now, I don’t believe this is the essence of liberalism (I don’t generally believe in essences at all, especially for something as complex as “Western liberalism.”) and hold that the theory I will present is part of the liberal tradition, but this position marks a good point of departure from teleoformalism which does offer a concrete notion of the good, one that must feed in to the political process. Teleoformalism denies that the state must remain neutral on conceptions of the good, in fact enforcing the norms (or Norms) that facilitate attainment of the good understood bioformalisticallly is the function of the state. (This is not meant to imply that it is the function of the state to maximize the good, or be the efficient cause producing the good, as will be clear.) Teleoformalism is superior to the other political philosophies mentioned in that it alone is compatible with bioformalism (and, it goes without saying, bioformalism is the true account of the good for humans).
As a first draft we can say that teleoformalism is the view the the end of the state is to enforce biofunctional Norms of interpersonal behavior. Mutually beneficial interpersonal interactions fall under four such natural Norms: tit-for-tat non-interference, kin altruism, mutually beneficial exchange aka reciprocity, and cooperative conventions. The theory claims that these Norms of human behavior are principles of justice; justice is the formalization of these biological Norms. The state’s purpose is to ensure that these Norms of natural justice are enforced such that they provide their selected effect. (For an explanation of what is meant by “Norms” (with a capital N) see “A Primer on Biological Functions and Norms”.) I discuss these principles in more detail below but in short, in a just society tit-for-tat non-interference is the baseline principle that is then modified with state-enforced obligations as individuals move into different spheres of society. In the private sphere those with children take on the obligations of kin altruism, in the commercial sphere individuals take on the obligation of reciprocity, and in the public sphere people come under the principles of cooperative conventions.
I can see a critic claiming that I am guilty of a category error in that I conflate natural norms (or Norms) with rules of justice. Or that I commit the naturalistic fallacy by by moving from the “is” of natural norms to the “ought” of justice.” (I discuss the naturalistic fallacy in “Bioformalism and the Human Good.”) Human behavior, like the behavior of all living things, is designed by natural selection. I do take it that justice is a behavior of a specific living creature, and that it can be understood the way other behaviors can. This is the starting point of philosophical naturalism. I am therefore not deducing some conclusion a priori from self-evident premises. Neither do I expect that any account of justice will cause all rational beings on all possible worlds to, through a process of Socratic recollection, announce in unison that the Form of Justice has been revealed once and for all.
Teleoformalism is arrived at through three considerations. First is the inadequacy of the dominant theories of libertarianism, utilitarianism, and Rawlsian liberalism. Second is the question of how the modern evolutionary understanding of human nature affects our understanding of justice. Third is through considering how the state is related to the human good understood bioformalistically. These considerations were assembled into a puzzle piece that seemed to fit the justice-sized hole in the puzzle pretty well, at least better than the other dominant theories. It was arrived at by asking what justice could possibly be given these pieces of the puzzle, not through the traditional philosophical means of either conceptual analyses of “justice,” or through some a priori metaphysical argument. However, I do think that the average person would find teleoformalism preferable to libertarianism, utilitarianism, or Rawlsianism as it avoids the unpalatable consequences of these theories. In fact, I think teleoformalism provides a better description than these other theories of how justice actually functions today. Finally, I take it as a virtue that the theory does not conform to contemporary political disputes between right and left and that both would find things with which to agree and disagree.
One last point before discussing these four principles. Basic principles of justice are quite general while the specifics are, as always, full of complications. For example, the United States upholds principles of freedom of speech, religion, the press, and so on. But the details of how these are to apply in specific cases have been fought over in the myriad controversies that have raged ever since they were first formulated. This is always the case when general principles are applied to specific circumstances, so I can’t address every complication, application, and issue in this short introduction. This is just the introduction and the theory; I will probably spend the rest of my life working out the implications and applications.
The First Principle of Justice
As regards the first principle of justice, we adopt the common belief that the state’s primary function it to protect individuals from harm from other individuals, groups, or itself. Teleoformalism interprets harm bioformalistically: harm is any human behavior that reduces an individual’s ability to live out its form of life as excellently as he or she is willing and able. A poorly functioning or unjust state is one that is unable to protect an individual’s good or actively acts counter to it. Versions of this principle can be found in Locke’s claim that if people would be better off in the state of nature they would have no obligations to the state, in Rawls’ doctrine that the state must benefit the least well off, and in the traditional objection to utilitarianism that in sacrificing the happiness of some to promote the happiness of the greatest number utilitarianism runs counter to justice. Even uber-lefty Peter Singer in his book A Darwinian Left concedes that the state can not ask people to harm themselves to benefit others: “public policies should be based on ‘An unwavering adherence to the Cardinal Rule: Never ask a person to act against his own self-interest.’” (p. 41) A Rawlsian rendition of this is to take the individuals in Rawls’ original position but jettison his untenable “thin conception of the good” for the good understood bioformalistically. If the individuals in the original position were, instead of being ignorant of the good, given the task to live out the form of the human life as excellently as possible I contend that their first concern would be that no one interfered with their efforts, and would agree to a first principle of mutual non-interference, and institute the organs of the state to prevent any such interference.
The principle of non-interference protects against any reduction in one’s ability to pursue the good and so contains the traditional Lockean notions of life, health, liberty, and property. Is this merely another way of saying that the state must protect “the pursuit of happiness”? Yes, but happiness is understood in its Aristotelian sense as being the telos of mankind, and the telos of mankind is understood bioformalistically. This realist conception of the good runs counter to relativist and subjectivist notions of happiness as the human good.
I have called the first principle “tit-for-tat” as it contains the traditional contractual notion that if the principle of non-interference is violated one is no longer bound by the principle and may defend oneself against the violator. However, I am hesitant to call it so simply because so much has been written on the subject and I don’t want to be committed to any of the baggage. Another reason is that I do not think that the initial state of non-interference could be rightly called cooperation, where cooperation is often taken in evolutionary game theory to incur a cost on the player. Non-interference doesn’t impose a cost, unless you call the strong being forced to forego preying on the weak a cost. Secondly, I don’t think that “tit-for-tat” is the governing principle of human interaction in “the state of nature.” Tit-for-tat is usually presented as each side having the same rewards-and-penalties decision matrix, but in the state of nature the strong and the weak have different matrices. The purpose of the state is to impose penalties such that tit-for-tat becomes the best strategy by equalizing the matrix between all citizens.
The Second Principle of Justice: Kin Altruism and The Private Sphere
The next three principles of teleoformalism formalize the natural principles governing specific types of human relationships. Evolutionary theory posits three kinds of relationships which bear on a human individual’s ability to live out its good: those between genetically related family members (“kin altruism”), unrelated cooperators (“reciprocal altruism”), and unrelated non-cooperators (which will be the Norm of cooperative conventions). These principles govern the different spheres of society: the private sphere, the commercial sphere, and the public sphere respectively. (The principle of non-interference is the primary principle of justice and is the baseline rule throughout all political spheres.) Whereas libertarianism stops at the first principle of justice, which is why most people find it objectionable, teleoformalism recognizes that these areas of life are governed by their own distinct principles.
The principle of kin selection governs the private sphere and explains why parents sacrifice much energy and resources in the care of their children. As I discussed in “A Darwinian Look at Marriage” marriage is the dominate institution of the private sphere the purpose of which is to prevent the problems that result from the production of children. Locke states that “For children being by the course of Nature, born weak, and unable to provide for themselves, they have by the appointment of God himself, who hath thus ordered the course of nature, a Right to be nourished and maintained by their Parents” (First Treatise). I wonder what his position would be when these natural feelings fail and a parent becomes neglectful or abusive. For Locke also holds that “The great purpose for which men enter into society is to be safe and at peace in the use of their property”(134). Some long-defeated libertarians (are there any other kind?), trying to squeeze everything into the formulation “private sphere = property rights = no government ” claimed that children were property of their parents and so their care was outside the realm of state intrusion. Locke himself would probably state that an abusive parent has fallen under “the corruption and visciousness of degenerate men”(128) and are harming their children’s private property aka their bodies. But nowhere does he claim that a secondary purpose of the state is to force parents to conform to nature’s purposes (which is the thesis of teleoformalism). What about a parent who does not wish to provide an education for their children? I don’t see how this kind of neglect can be accounted for in a libertarian framework that sees the state entirely as an instrument to protect property rights. Under teleoformalism the private sphere is understood as the domain of enforced Norms of kin-selection in the form of child protection laws.
When an adult becomes a parent they are placed under the Norms of kin altruism and the state may penalize failure to live by these principles. There is no problem with the state forcing a parent to do what kin selection Normally would dictate. A state which is able to devote resources to the protection and care of children is more just than one that is unable to do so. What I mean by this is that some societies simply do not have the resources to dedicate to the protection of children and so leave it to the parents in the hope that nature will act so that the parents will care for their children. Where parents fail to do so and either abuse or neglect their children all that can be done is to shake ones head at the injustice of the world. A society which fortunately is able to address this injustice is better in that an injustice is remedied.
This raises the thorny difficulty on what exactly are the limits on state interference in the private sphere. Physical abuse, squalor, malnutrition, and education are deemed acceptable areas of state concern, forcing parents to feed their children broccoli is not. As of writing there are voices calling for parents to be forced under threat of having their children confiscated by the state to facilitate “gender affirming surgical transitions” which is truly an abomination and a violation of the parents’ rights. In such a case the state is not mandating care but harming the child as it runs counter to their good. The main conclusion however is that, against some libertarian thought, children aren’t the “property” of their parents; the same rules do not apply apply regarding a parent’s treatment of their children as to their material possessions. But this certainly does not entail that children are the property of the state. The relation between parents and their children is not analogous to any other relationship as it is at root a natural obligation to be sacrificing, caring, and nurturing.
Other than the rules of non-interference and kin altruism, the private sphere is the place of liberty to direct ones life as one sees fit: what books and media to consume, what sexual activity one wishes to partake, religious practice, hobbies, amusements and entertainment are completely free from state regulation. Even the wish to not pursue the human good is of no concern to justice. There is no need to list a finite set of rights as everything is rightfully permitted in the private sphere that does not violate the principle of non-interference or kin altruism. However, there are ways that what happens in the private sphere can violate the principle of non-interference. Drug use, for example, can exert costs on third parties which violates the principle of non-interference and interferes with their ability to pursue the good life. As soon as drug use incurs medical costs that might force other individuals to incur financial losses, either through increased insurance premiums or taxation, it becomes fair game for the legislature to ban a behavior which contributes to the good in no way–and in fact stupidly runs counter to it—and violates the principle of non-interference by reducing others’ ability to pursue the good to the greatest possible extent.
However, despite the private sphere being free from most state regulation, it is important to stress that the protection of liberty is not its purpose. The liberty that exists there is more like a spandrell, it is simply what is left over after the principles of non-interference and child welfare are protected. Teleoformalism enforces its governing Norms; everything that falls outside these Norms are of no concern to justice.
The Third Principle of Justice: Reciprocity And The Commercial Sphere
The next kind of biologically relevant relationship posited by evolutionary theory is reciprocity or mutually beneficial voluntary exchanges. Again, the also-long-vanquished old-time caveat emptor libertarians, trying to cram everything into the private vs. public boxes, held that trade was the voluntary exchange of private property and so outside the sphere of the state unless the exchange happened involuntarily (theft). From a teleoformalist perspective the commercial sphere, aka “the marketplace,” is its own domain separate from the traditional notion of the private sphere seeing as it is governed by a different principle. The commercial sphere is the domain of enforced Norms of reciprocity: contract enforcement between trade partners, and between businesses and their employees. Since the commercial sphere is not the private sphere–it is the place where multiple parties come out of their private spheres into the marketplace–teleoformalism disagrees with the libertarian attempt to place business activities outside the domain of state intervention. There is wide latitude for the state to ensure that exchanges proceed Normally, that is, that parties are willingly engaging in mutually beneficial exchanges and that no party has an abNormal advantage in negotiations. However, again, this does not mean that the commercial sphere is the public sphere where this would entail public ownership of commercial entities.
Locke held (and most subsequent libertarians have ignored) that in order for property acquisition to be just there must be as much and as good of the resource left over for others. Unfortunately, Locke didn’t discuss what should happen when this constraint is violated but I think the implication is clear–there must be state intervention limiting the liberty of some in order to protect the life of others. For example, in early American history an individual could reject an employer’s working conditions and work the land for a living because there was “as good and as much” ways of making a living available. When people could no longer reject an employer’s working conditions and make a living working an unclaimed parcel of land, because there was no longer unclaimed land available, the state needed to begin to regulate working conditions because the employer was now at an advantage; moderate scarcity no longer held, total scarcity did.
Locke’s conditions must apply beyond his example of wondering through the woods picking up apples to other scarce resources such as jobs. It is the purpose of the state in regulating the commercial sphere to make conditions Normal for negotiations between parties. All of the contemporary ways the state regulates business–contract enforcement, union rights, workplace conditions, environmental regulations, nondiscrimination, health regulations—are perfectly just under teleoformalism. In fact, teleoformalism sees further injustice in that the marketplace itself aka commercial real estate, should not be understood to be part of the private sphere and so outside public regulation. Again, people leave the private sphere when they enter the marketplace and bring themselves under the Norms of reciprocity. The people have an interest beyond mere zoning regulation in determining the nature of commercial space. Treating commercial real estate as part of the private sphere has had disastrous consequences for society as soulless corporations, even-more soulless real estate developers, and status-seeking modernist architects formed an unholy trinity which blocked the people from their rightful place in negotiations over what form commercial development may occur in their communities.
As an additional note I need to say a few words about the interaction of the commercial sphere and the private. When a business wishes to enter the private sphere, as it does when television and internet service enters the home, it agrees to be ruled by the governing principle of the private sphere–kin altruism, aka sacrifice for the benefit of children. For example, laws requiring age verification in order to access internet pornography are entirely justified and not an unjust restriction on a business’ free speech as has been declared in the United States. The home is not the marketplace or the public square and is not ruled by the same principles as those spaces.
The Fourth Principle of Justice: Cooperative Conventions And The Public Sphere
The final type of relationship is between individuals unrelated by either ties of kinship or cooperation: relationships between strangers. As I wrote in “Religion As Source of the Social Emotions,” classical Lockean contract theory held that individuals leave the state of nature and enter civil society because of the “inconveniences” of the state of nature: the lack of established law, impartial judges, or ways to enforce the law. But humans lived successfully in that state for hundreds of thousands of years and could have continued to do so for hundreds of thousands more. The problem of civil society only arises with the advent of a sedentary, agriculturally-based, high population, high-density environment (the actual list of conditions that produce civilization is still much debated). And this is the problem with classical contract theory, they missed that there is a state in-between the state of nature and civil society. I’ll call this “the abnormal state” (in homage to Millikan) because the environment has changed from the conditions under which hunter/gatherers functioned successfully. It is the problems with the abnormal state, not the state of nature, that require a state to prevent.
The problem of the abnormal state is that when people live in such an environment with only kin and clan loyalty as a guide (the forces that sufficed among hunter-gatherers in the state of nature to achieve the human good) you get the violent disasters of American inner cities or European no-go zones. Kin and clan alone restricting human behavior in the abnormal state is bad bad bad. A civilization is a large-scale teleofunctional institution designed to prevent the problems of the abnormal state where people need to dwell among those outside kin and clan networks.
Thus, something more is needed beyond the sentiments towards kin and the weight of ones reputation among cooperators. To this end is needed the establishment of local cooperative conventions (see Millikan’s “Language Conventions Made Simple” in Language, A Biological Model.) These are common rules that allow mutually beneficial cooperation to occur among strangers. The conventions are widely distributed so that even people who do not know each other can be on the same page and not have to create mutual understanding over and over again with each new interaction. Language conventions such as using the word “dog” to refer to dogs are the clearest example.
“Consider the right- (or left-) hand driving convention. The cooperative purpose requires that drivers approaching one another both either drive on the right or drive on the left. There is no secure way for leader-follower roles to be established, the time for decision is small, and it is hugely important that the coordination be achieved. The coordination thus behaves like a fully blind one. The only way to achieve it with complete reliability for every pair is to achieve it always the same way within some group that can easily identify its own members (people driving in America; people driving in England). Regular conformity to the same pattern is required among members of the entire larger group from which the various cooperating pairs emerge. (p. 12).
…conformity to a convention may be or become mandated and sanctioned… Crucially important blind conventional patterns, like driving on the right, are heavily sanctioned (indeed, often written into law), and it is not a mere matter of convention that they are sanctioned. Whenever it is desirable that some predictable social pattern or other be stabilized for some purpose in society, or that some convention or other be universally followed then it is not merely conventional that there are sanctions attached to conformity (p. 15).”
These cooperative conventions facilitate cooperation among strangers when they need to venture out into public spaces in pursuit of their needs and interests, and the public realm is the domain of such conventions where laws such as the drive-on-the-right convention reign. The advent of public law is the solution to the problem of living in the abnormal state, and the purpose of the public sphere is the establishment of mutually beneficial, universally applied conventions to facilitate pursuit of the good and reduce miscoordinations that impede attainment of the good. As a consequence is derived the right of democratic rule over the public space so as to enable people to pursue the good in the abnormal state, the purpose for which governments are instituted. Restricting the ability of the people to create such conventions through the democratic process is “destructive to the ends for which the state is instituted” and thus unjust. Teleoformalism thus returns regulation of the public sphere to its rightful place in the hands of the democratic legislature from its wrongful post-1960s usurpation by the judiciary.
To illustrate, I wish to provide some examples of contemporary issues over the nature of public space and how the teleoformalist right to democratic creation of coordinating conventions views them. A first example would justify the democratic legislature, were it felt that there are too many cases of miscoordination between language producers and consumers resulting in failures of communication and impeding the ability of people to further their ends in navigating public space, in establishing an official language for usage in signage and public communication. However, only a society cursed with diversity multiplies instances of such miscoordination and would require such a law; a society with shared conventions would have no need for one (see “Why Diversity Destroys Social Capital” for a fuller discussion of these coordinating conventions.)
The crux of the issue is that the liberty that exits in the public space is liberty to pursue one’s interests free from interference or impediment. It is the state’s role to remove any such impediments. You may have seen photos that make the rounds of social media of children present at rallies and demonstrations where they are exposed to people dressed in sexually perverse costumes or public nudity and felt a sense that something is very very wrong with this, to put it mildly. Or maybe you wanted to burn the whole fucking place to the ground to put it less mildly. It used to be said that what goes on in the privacy of ones home is nobody’s business. But, it is said, the public space is the place of civil rights, and civil rights includes freedom of speech, and freedom of speech includes freedom of expression, and freedom of expression includes sexual expression, and sexual expression means adults exposing themselves to children. Where are you going to draw the line bigot? I guess what goes on in public is none of your business either.
The place to draw the line is right at the beginning; the governing principle of the public sphere is the creation of cooperative conventions that facilitate the pursuit of the good, not freedom of expression. Public freedom of speech facilitates attainment of the good in that it leads to rational public debate which leads to truth which may serve as a guide in procuring the good. Truth, in turn can only be expressed in subject/predicate representations, that is, spoken or written propositions. Mere “expressions” including styles of attire, gestures, symbols, random sounds, icons (such as effigies), are not capable of conveying truth and are not conducive to the good of public freedom of speech. As such they can be regulated (or not) as the democratic process deems necessary.
An example would be the practice which has occurred in several European countries of banning the burka. Clothing, as mere expression, is not covered by public freedom of speech and if the democratic process determines something is disruptive to public conventions it is within its rightful powers to regulate it. However, under the current argument, expressions can not be banned for use in the private sphere which includes television, films, books, newspapers, art galleries, and internet discussions, although adequate controls for the protection of children may be mandated.
The establishment of conventions regarding public attire, such as forbidding public nudity, are within the rights of public democracy. Expressions that cause disgust violate the non-interference principle in that such depictions are obstacles or impediments that people would need to go out of their way to navigate around in traversing public space: removing any such obstacles and facilitating passage through public space being the purpose of the public sphere. Thus, prohibition of public displays of sexuality, or depictions of bodily mutilation are legitimate targets of restriction. For example, it would be legitimate to ban pro-life groups to fund billboards or march with banners showing aborted fetuses. Several years ago feminist groups in London attempted to ban depictions of scantily clad women on public billboards. If they can succeed in democratically enacting such a ban, teleoformalism has no objection (with the reminder that the private sphere remains outside such regulation).
Any such prohibitions must specify how a specific public behavior interferes with the public pursuit of citizens’ legitimate interests, the avoidance of disgust being such an impediment which may create an obstacle to movement through public space. Although a prohibition justified by an appeal to disgust may be enacted by a democratic majority, it may not be abused by the majority to arbitrarily restrict the legitimate pursuit of the good or public expressions of a minority as such. The common restraints on just law such as the Rawlsian principles of generality and universality apply (TOJ p. 131 – 132) in that laws must apply universally and not single out specific individuals or groups. For example, it would be illegitimate to ban wearing a yarmulke specifically, but in a society cursed with violent religious conflict, it could enact a (hopefully temporary) ban on any public religious symbols (but not on religious private property). A society without such violent conflicts would have no need for such a ban. However, I also hold it is the right of geographically concentrated groups to democratically secede and form their own political jurisdiction to live by their cultural conventions. What I have in mind is that the Puritan settlers of New England were mortified by Native American’s public nudity. They have a right to enact a ban on public nudity. But Native Americans also had a right to establish a political jurisdiction free from such regulation where their own standards could apply.
A Possible 4th Sphere
There is a final relationship that requires an account, the relationship between the individual and the state known as citizenship. This relationship encompasses duties such as taxation, juries, and voting. This is best understood as a type of reciprocity between rulers and the ruled, which is a natural relationship such as the others I have discussed. Instead of material goods, which are exchanged in the commercial sphere, it is duties and obligations which are exchanged here. This is a topic that will have to await a future discussion but I will say here that humans are a social/tribal animal and these tribes are hierarchical for the same reason as anything else designed by natural selection, that this arrangement has proven advantageous. It goes without saying that the relationship between ruler and ruled needs to be mutually beneficial and not parasitic. Furthermore, I am not speaking of despotic rulers, democratic rulers are rulers as well. The various elites of the media, academia, Hollywood, and Wall Street are all rulers as well as they hand down laws, values, knowledge, and resources to the rest of us.
As Plato said the state has virtues other than justice: wisdom, moderation, and bravery are surely needed in a good state. Of these wisdom is by far the most important; whereas justice is blind, wisdom needs to have both its eyes peeled ala Clockwork Orange. And the most important thing wisdom should reveal is loyalty of the elites to the people. However our current elites treat the people as fungible: Wall Street happily replaces the populace with cheaper laborers, or offshores jobs seeking their own enrichment, political elites happily vote themselves a new people, academia is drunk on its own self-importance and power to indoctrinate, the cultural producers despise the philistines. Where there is no loyalty returned there should be no loyalty given and a new elite produced.
Conclusion
This post has been the culmination of a series of articles on the human good going back several years. The argument begins in “Bioformalism and the Human Good” which presents the account of the human good which underlies the series. The argument continues in “Restoring a Virtue-Based Ethics For the 21st Century” which explains how the human good may be achieved. The problems that result from the need for interpersonal cooperation in the light of our evolved selfish nature is spelled out in “Allow Me To Explain The Darkness Of The Human Soul” and “Bioformalism Vs. Liberalism and Stupid Freedom.”
The solution to this conflict is, unsurprisingly, civilization. As continued in “Religion As The Source Of The Social Emotions,” individuals are primarily members of a civilization–church and state being its twin arms–and only secondarily citizens of a state. It is the working of civilization as a whole which is designed to result in the good life. This account runs counter to our contemporary liberalism which offers a relativistic at best and nihilistic at worst view of the human good, no guide as to how it may be achieved other than a destructive characterization of happiness as the power to act on and never repress any and every ego imperative, a total absence of any understanding of virtue, and a society where Hollywood and The Media, in the service of political power, are the sources of our moral instruction. In the United States, stripped of any sense of civilization, we–but these days especially leftists–tend to see our primary identity as members of the state, with the head of the state as the head of the society, and the government as the repository and instrument of our aspirations and vision.
I am not the first to point out that there is a growing quasi-religious relationship between modern leftists and the state. They expect political leaders to be inspiring transformative figures, using the state to engage in great global moral crusades and proselytize to the people through the instruments of indoctrination. This is conjoined with the view that ties identity and loyalty to a passionate attachment to party membership. Leftists, stripped of religious affiliation, have come to see the party and the state as their church. If you claim your goals are secular you may use the weapons of the state to engage in any religious crusade you wish. I think that this was the inevitable result of the American view of separation of church and state: that religion would mutate, develop immunity to the imposed legal obstructions, and the state would re-absorb the features of church. In the United States many people tend to see the chief executive as the head or leader of the society, a moral exemplar, and the object of aspirations and inspiration. Yes, church and state ought to be separate, but in the way that the State Department and Defense Department are separate; they are separate yet branches of something larger, the United States government in this case. On the contrary, the leader of the state is not the leader of the civilization.* Under the teleoformalist understanding, the people, the head of the state, and the administrators of the state do not see it as the summum bonum of humanity charged with procuring the good. That job belongs to the civilization as a whole of which the state is but a part: it being the far more important job of the church to teach virtue and lead the people through the form of life, the job of the commercial sphere to produce the material goods that are needed and enhance the good life, the job of the family and private sphere to nurture children, and the state to administer justice. The head of state should be nothing more than an administrator, not a figure of HOPE, LOVE, or other spiritual passion. These impulses should be satisfied in an actual church whereas the state’s role should be its traditional conception as the cold instrument of impartial justice.
*I thus admire the UK for having a ceremonial figure which represents the civilization, not that it needs to be embodied in an actual person (and not that actually having a person in that position will do any good if the people abandon the civilization).)